In the preparation of this volume, I have made free use of Church of Lincoln, 4d; to the holy sacrament as an oblation in the. Church of Taythwell 12d;. Download the comments form from the Council’s website and email your Sherburn in Elmet, located 15km to the west of Selby town is the. Download Free PDF Both appear in documents such as the Halmote Court Rolls, the records of Durham Priory and Diocese and of Sherburn Hospital.
 
 

Hazel 4d sherburn free download. UK Youth Movement

 

What archaeologist, discovering a site or uncovering an artefact, fails to wonder about the people who made or used it? Certainly the research for this thesis involves engagement with the landscape and has the advantage of knowledge gained over 25 years of local residence as well as documentary data about some of the people who inhabited the area in the past.

Agreement tends to be reached through strength of argument aided by the current disciplinary fashion and academic politics rather than by hypothesis testing or the rejection of a scientific approach. Robust arguments are needed to cope with scepticism and questions about possible alternative interpretations. Phenomenology frequently ignores such questions because it is a metaphorical work of art Fleming, – 3.

There is as yet little evidence for prehistoric activity in the parishes of Edmundbyers and Muggleswick; most of the research involves historic periods in which the landscape is already peopled and for which there is some documentary data. This is why a phenomenological approach is not suitable for this research; it is necessary to establish such facts as are available before trying to interpret them. In this, there is more interpretation in relation to the amount of archaeological data and analysis, making it different from traditional archaeology texts.

Maps and sites are sidelined or omitted and there are no references in this style of work. Instead it is poetic, photographic and has a political subtheme Fleming, In this way he asserts that archaeology has a need for new forms of cultural production. Hyper-interpretation, therefore, would only be appropriate for this thesis if there was a prehistoric landscape to work upon. There was a prehistoric landscape, of course, but data are currently so limited that there is virtually nothing to hyper-interpret.

Nonetheless, as Fleming says, it is an attractive method of presentation It does, though, present practical and operational difficulties, including whether it could or should be applied to all places and periods. Moreover, should it be applied to such things as excavation reports?

In fact, they make it very difficult to use a text for research. Consequently Fleming points out that the reverse is true because only those readers with some knowledge are included and those who need to look things up are excluded There are other problems with hyper-interpretation also. Inevitably, the attitudes of our own age influence interpretations. It is the nature of the evidence which makes the prehistory of landscapes somewhat inadequate ibid: , as observed above.

Once documented periods are reached there are named people to write about ibid. This is the case with this research: not only are there real people to deal with but there are factual accounts of the history of the area which contribute to the richness of the data.

Sometimes, though, individual characters can get in the way. Fleming notes that narratives about particular characters did not assist in the investigation of soil types, weather and labour bottlenecks and their possible effects on types of open field in eastern England. Fleming favours an overview instead However, there are circumstances where the histories of actual people can provide supporting evidence for other types of research; this is possible for the parishes of Edmundbyers and Muggleswick.

There are a number of other important aspects to post-processualism apart from hyper-interpretation and phenomenology and which Fleming did not touch upon in the above arguments. Some of the more interesting and relevant ones will be mentioned here. There are two elements to the way that landscape is treated in the Western tradition.

The first is the land itself, the natural and humanly-produced features; it is objective. People in non-Western societies commonly have very different ideas about the space that landscape provides and their place within it Greene and Moore, Perceptions of the landscape have changed over time and are an interesting aspect of landscape study. On the other hand rural villages continue to fascinate, based on their traditional community ties, the space and low population density ibid: Local communities have changed, however, since they are no longer devoted to agriculture.

By the twentieth century rural areas were subject to urban influences and so awareness of other communities grew Claval, Another facet is the relevance of politics. Williams uses a more political framework of theory which does not permit the research to avoid the effect of politics upon the landscape. These ideas had little influence outside Russia until the mid-twentieth century and then, using them, people like Bender and Tilley adopted a neo-Marxist viewpoint ibid.

For such researchers there is a close relationship between archaeology and politics. Their interpretation of archaeology is based on materialism and conflict Johnson, 80, For example, ancient production methods were based on slave labour; feudalism used serfs; there was antagonism between slave and master, peasant and feudal landlord. In capitalism there is conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeois ibid: Thus, in the Marxist model, the process of historical change is dialectical, depending on contradictions and conflicts in society ibid: Such conflicts were demonstrated in Georgian England by the rich and powerful who used their influence in two opposing ways Tuan, The positive aspect was that they improved the fertility of the land, and its beauty, while simultaneously exploiting the labour force and tenant farmers ibid.

The present appearance of much of the English countryside is the result of these eighteenth century activities; it reflects the aesthetic tastes of the time as well as the power of the landowners. New activities – associated with industry, water, leisure, housing needs – have put new pressures on the countryside.

Conflicts of interest have often been instrumental in shaping postmodern landscapes, although this is not to say that there were no conflicts of interest in the past Claval These new pressures also have implications for archaeological research and affect the survival of archaeological material.

They include identifying who benefits and who is disadvantaged and whether people, other than those directly involved, are affected. The power relations need to be considered and whether everyone entitled to an opinion has been properly consulted ibid. People who lived in rural areas shaped their landscapes and had many ways of reading them. The landscape was the basis of local society, culture and politics, as well as the visible result of farming activities Claval 14 , and it is useful to consider such factors when attempting to understand the development of a landscape.

There are thus two schools of landscape studies, which do not necessarily communicate well with each other. The first concentrates on the theoretical debate and includes researchers such as Ashmore and Knapp, Bender, Ucko and Layton and Cosgrove.

Some of the ideas of the first school of thought have been discussed. Sometimes post-processual theories have been taken into account but, on the whole, the two do not mix. Those who prefer one method frequently criticise the other approach.

For example, Bender et al felt that the conventional third person narrative method of writing up research is unsatisfactory However, an alternative has failed to be forthcoming; attempts to produce one have tended to lead to the omission of valuable information for the understanding of sites and the resulting conclusions and interpretations may be biased ibid.

Making a distinction between the two types of landscape ideas can be problematic. Some consider that they should be kept separate while others think one to be more important than the other; a third group think that the two cannot exist separately Johnson, 4. Moreover Hoskins and followers of his approach have shown that the boundary between the aesthetic and the historical appreciation of landscape is permeable. It is not possible to look at a landscape which shows evidence of past use without wondering about the people who used it – but it is possible to take that wonder too far and invent histories which did not take place or for which there is no confirmatory data.

Conventional landscape historians are mostly interested in gathering historical and archaeological data from the landscape and understanding how it reflects the modifications and adaptations made by past societies. Turner, By the mids, archaeologists had access to improved excavation techniques and recording, technologies like improved aerial photography, vegetation and soils data, and climatic information, all of which greatly assisted with the development of landscape archaeology.

Together with new questions, these have permitted better understanding of the material substance of sites Roberts Another productive technique has been the increased use of environmental archaeology. These more practical approaches are much more suitable for this research. Landscape studies range from the standpoint of people like Aston and Taylor who concentrate on local or landscape history to that of Tilley whose approach, as has been shown above, is more towards the symbolic and abstract ibid.

It necessary, though, to ensure that this inclusiveness does not become so broad as to render the subject vague ibid. A number of researchers have managed to study and publish their research without undue recourse to post-processual ideology. They have made full use of a variety of methods, in much the way that Wilkinson has advocated, to produce valuable and informative accounts of the landscape.

Fleming, Winchester and Williamson have written about landscapes in styles that this research might aspire to emulate. In his preface he observed that there were other aspects to be investigated, different from those which he had initially intended. Woodland management has a story that might be told, footpaths have a history and are not just there for ramblers to use, there may be relationships between farms, the large areas of common land of the past and current common rights that could be investigated.

Consequently Fleming worked with documents, old and modern maps and used fieldwork. He found that place-names have an importance in the study of the last c. Fleming chose certain aspects of the Swaledale landscape to follow in detail and left others for future study. He noted that he tried not to become obsessed with only one aspect – which in itself might provide material for several books – but to follow more general themes ibid.

Winchester decided to look at marginal land because he felt it had been neglected in the research. These records mainly begin around ibid: 1 – 2. To produce his account, Winchester studied aspects such as the legal framework of property rights, the pattern of use of the fells and moors, the seasonal use of the hills and strategies for making a living ibid: 4. Thus he limited the extent of his research by his choice of aspects to study but these were different from those chosen by Fleming.

As a result, the researched effects on open-field agriculture put emphasis on manorial lords and the reorganisation of the landscape, or on the possible effect of the emerging market economy on peasant farmers. The practice of agriculture – the equipment, problems of soil types or drainage and so forth – is thus avoided ibid.

In this thesis the research is strongly influenced by the availability of the manorial and economic records and the less easily obtained agricultural information.

Human action, soils, topography and other factors have caused landscape types to be mixed rather than completely discrete. Open fields, Champion landscape, the various forms of agricultural patterns overlap and are often blurred along the edges where they meet, making study difficult ibid: 24 – In this way it is possible to gain an understanding of how the various landscapes relate to their environment.

He notes that there is no lack of data, but that it has not always been drawn together and interpreted fully To achieve his aims he covers a variety of topics including different topographies and different types of landscape, society, maps, technology, agriculture types and methods ibid: passim. Thus he, too, tends towards a holistic approach to the subject. There are many interesting strands to the theory, some of which are more practical than others and some which are more appropriate for this research.

It should be clear from the material covered that certain ideas and approaches are not only more suitable but also more attractive for use in this work. Partly this is because, having a background as a geographer, I find the holistic narrative methodology more interesting. Nonetheless, as should be clear from the discussions above, consideration of the people of the landscape, their activities and ideas, merits inclusion.

In the next part of this chapter I will discuss how the theories have influenced the methodology used and go on to explain that methodology. It would be a mistake to believe that any one discourse can offer, in advance, the dominant factor that drives a particular past event or trend – if any one factor is ever likely to do anyway. This is because attention has been paid to identifying ideas that may be useful and relevant to this research; these will assist in deciding the appropriate methodology.

The chief influences on this work are those of writers who have taken an interdisciplinary approach. His ability to produce an academic but readable account was inspirational to many. However, as noted in 2. There is a paucity of guidance in the literature to help with methodology.

Moreover, as noted towards the end of section 2. Nonetheless they manage to produce coherent accounts. It is necessary for this research into the landscape of Edmundbyers and Muggleswick to produce an approach which is clear and structured.

He has spent around 40 years researching and writing about landscape and rural settlement, especially in North- east England, so his suggestions are relevant to the region studied in this research.

Roberts divided landscape study into three categories, which range from landscape archaeology to landscape history: 1. Uses documentary evidence like maps and involves the last years or so. Uses some documentary evidence, but this is usually not linked to landscape features, so information relies on survivals and excavations. This period, with knowledge tempered by historical information, lasts from around the Mid-Saxon to the seventeenth century.

The period before this. There are some documents for the Roman and Iron Age, but the period relies heavily on excavations and some few survivals Roberts Paul Claval, now retired, was a professor at the Sorbonne. Although he is a prolific writer on a variety of subjects, his interests are based on human and economic geography and these clearly influence his advice.

Consequently a combination of these, together with the approaches taken by Williamson, Fleming and Winchester described at the end of 2. Such a chronological progression to the methodology might be the ideal; however, in practice, research is not so orderly or obliging. Moreover, in this research, it was found that there were various starting points depending on the topic under scrutiny. To follow, for example, a thematic methodology throughout was therefore deemed inappropriate.

The discovery, for example, of a potential area of rig and furrow on Google Earth might require a field visit to confirm its identification – it could just be a drainage system. The HER needs to be checked to see if there is anything already recorded, as do other documentary sources and maps, both historic and modern.

Yet this process could begin at any of those points and progress through the others in any order. This, in fact, is the most likely method of working and the different aspects of the research will start at different points depending upon their nature. Consequently, each topic and chapter will be approached differently. Further explanations of the methods used will be given in the appropriate places in the text. The chief points of the methodology employed are detailed below.

The Historic Environment Record This is a useful starting point for much research as it provides data regarding what is already known about the area archaeologically. It gives little information about history or change but data for different periods add to or confirm other knowledge. The HER for Edmundbyers and Muggleswick will be used throughout the subsequent chapters but will be discussed in detail in Chapter 3. This meant that there was a possibility of data added subsequently being missed.

Checking with the Keys to the Past website allowed any new records to be included. There is less information on Keys to the Past than in the full HER, but it proved to be adequate for the purpose.

Maps There are maps of the region dating from at least the s although not all of them are very informative. The early ones are useful for communications research Chapter 6 but the detail is inadequate for anything else. The first really detailed map of the parishes is the hand-drawn estate map drawn in This shows the locations of all the buildings, the layout of the fields in relation to physical features like watercourses, and has links to the estate book which details the tenants and the land they held at the time.

There is a subsequent estate map dated The estate maps and the subsequent editions of the Ordnance Survey maps will be used throughout the research to guide fieldwork, to help interpret aerial photographs and for retrogressive analysis of fields and settlements especially in chapters 3 and 5. Details of how the maps have been employed will be given in the appropriate chapters. Other maps which are of use are the Geological Survey, the soils map and L.

The first two help to establish the nature of the land in the parishes; the Land Use map will be used to help establish changes that have occurred in modern times. While Roberts see above , Hoskins, and even Johnson, have advocated the use of maps to at least some degree, they have been considered controversial documents. When Williamson examined the first edition six-inch map of East Anglia he discovered coaxial field systems dating from the Roman period or earlier and associated tracks 23 – Arguments made by post-colonial theorists about the use of maps have included the idea that maps form part of the colonial apparatus to help administration Johnson, However, most map users find the symbols on O.

Nonetheless, in the absence of anything more egalitarian, they provide valuable data and the Muggleswick Estate maps take knowledge of the area to a period pre-dating the Ordnance Survey. The Ordnance Survey maps, especially the more recent editions, should demonstrate no relevant partiality despite their original military associations.

The northern parts of England were too dangerous for the men tasked with gathering data for the Domesday Book, so no survey was undertaken until This resulted in the Boldon Book which provides information about landholdings and associated matters, in a similar manner to Domesday.

Other than this, the earliest documents available are those dating from the period when the Edmundbyers and Muggleswick estate belonged to Durham Cathedral Priory. These documents were written between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries and give useful information about the formation and running of the estate. Generally, the originals are in the archives at Durham University. However, reading them can be challenging. Consequently I chose to use the transcripts produced by the Surtees Society.

Sometimes these also have translations but many are still in Latin and even translating the printed text is a challenge. Few of these documents contain a significant amount of data, so it was a case of teasing out useful facts and joining them together to help describe the estate. The use of such manorial records reflects the methods of Fleming and Williamson described above 2. This is a useful document, in the English of the time, providing details of farmers and their holdings.

The associated map would have been an asset in understanding the area in that period, but is missing. There are also later documents, such as agreements and leases. These may also prove to have valuable information, so that an attempt will be made to tie some of them to the farmsteads that will be looked at in detail.

This should help to indicate the continuity of tenure, or lack of it. However, there will remain a substantial amount of data for future research.

Undertaking this at a future date will increase understanding of the agricultural practices of the UDV. Previous research into the area is limited. It includes that produced by the Revd. Walker Featherstonhaugh in the Victorian period and some undergraduate studies. Where this data is unique and relevant it will be used, otherwise the original data will be sought in preference. Other research is applicable to the North Pennines more generally and includes works concerning such specialist fields as climate and lead mining.

The geology of the North Pennines, especially in relation to lead mining, is well described by Dunham, Raistrick and by Johnson and Pigott, the latter two in Clapham. Sopwith, Pirt and Dodds, Thompson, Turnbull, and Crossley and Patrick have all provided expert information about lead mining and other extractive industries.

Similarly, Mawer, Egglestone and Beckensall furnished valuable data regarding local place-names. Documentary source material is therefore useful for several aspects of the research for this thesis.

It provides background information about the history, environment and occupations of the parishes as well as indicating some starting points for research, such as using the Survey to assess the field and village layouts. Photographs and aerial photographs Historic photographs hold valuable information about how the area looked in the past and permit comparisons with the current situation regarding buildings, vegetation, land use and roads.

The photographs taken immediately post-World War II are available via Google Earth, although there are limitations of scale and resolution; the current Google Earth views can be used to make comparisons between the two periods. Google Earth can be used to check the locations and characters of field boundaries, the extent of woodland, current land use and the footprints of buildings.

Its most exciting use is in searching for areas of previous cultivation or other human activity that are not recorded on maps or in documents, or whose documented location is uncertain. In this way it will be particularly beneficial in the research in Chapter 4 regarding the waxing and waning of cultivated land. The chief drawback to the aerial photographs of the North Pennines is that much of the unenclosed land is covered by heather which masks the details of the land beneath.

The use of LIDAR would solve this problem but, unfortunately, it is not yet available for the parishes of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers at a price which is affordable.

Google Earth images are not completely up to date, some having been taken up to ten years ago. Generally this does not pose a problem for this research as the data is sufficient for the task and other criticisms, for example regarding its stability, are not relevant. Following the Second World War aerial photographs, as noted above and in section 2.

However, a criticism is that they echo the elevated view of the land advocated by Wordsworth. Aerial photographs are complex and multi-layered, so that skill is needed in decoding them well ibid. These possible drawbacks do not reduce the usefulness of such material since any effort to deduce information from aerial photographs can be beneficial. Moreover, with time and experience, careful looking can mean that features are discovered which might otherwise be missed, or their relationships to each other go unrecognised.

However, this needs to be undertaken in association with other methods of research. Features observed in the field need, when possible, to be linked with map and documentary evidence. Often, details that are not visible on aerial photographs and are not recorded on maps can be seen on the ground. Thus new knowledge can be added to the data. Sometimes this is the character of a field boundary, sometimes an entirely unrecorded earthwork. As Johnson notes, the features observed might prove to be due to more than one process, as with a ditch that was not dug all in one go or which was re-dug several times This level of detail is unlikely to be observable on a map or aerial photograph.

Fieldwork will be used for three main purposes in this research. Firstly it will enable me to evaluate the landscape changes indicated by the retrogressive analysis of maps, including the routes of roads. Secondly, it makes feasible a more detailed analysis of the field boundaries because it will be possible to categorise the types of boundary; from this, something of their chronology can be established. Finally, fieldwork will be used to find new landscape data and to study the development of buildings in the parishes, thus adding to current knowledge.

Environment It was stated in 2. There is a wealth of such data, all of which a geographer might deem important. However, in the case of this research, it is necessary to select the data that are directly pertinent. The importance of geographical information should not be underestimated, however, and so details of geology, soils, topography, vegetation and climate will be described where they are relevant to an understanding of the landscape of the North Pennines and, particularly, to the parishes of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers.

As noted above, maps are of assistance in this and sketch maps to show these data will be used to complement the text. Research by Manley and Parry into climate and by Dunham, Raistrick and others into the geology of the region will be referred to.

However, the comparisons required by the investigation of climatic influences meant that I needed to design a formula to make use of meteorological data acquired from the Meteorological Office website. The climate, geology, soils and topography have all influenced agricultural practices and the landuse of the UDV, so will be referred to in chapters 4 Climate and 5 Enclosure. The geology is relevant to mining and thus links to chapter 3 History and 6 Communications , while topography is also connected to chapter 6.

However, he also notes that using the archaeology of a landscape just to demonstrate what is recorded in the documents is dissatisfying viii. The task, then, is not only to use different data to support each other in establishing a narrative of landscape development but to be able to add new information which increases our understanding.

This is similar to the drawing together and better interpretation of data advocated by Williamson see section 2. However, there will also be new information as a result of fieldwork or new interpretations of historic documents. It looks at information from documents and maps, from the Historic Environment Record, place-names, architecture and other sources; these will be drawn upon in other parts of this and later chapters.

As noted in the introductory chapter 1. For some periods little is known, but for others there is useful documentary evidence. The methodology section 2. The useful documentary sources will be described first, followed by a general history of the two parishes, as background to the subsequent research. Then research into place-name evidence for the history of the area, using documents and maps, is described. The Historic Environment Record supplements the foregoing and contributes to knowledge of the development of the parishes.

An important section provides an investigation into the architectural history, including field observations, concentrating on several of the older buildings. Finally, in order to complete the picture of the way in which the landscape and settlements evolved and to set subsequent chapters in context, there is a description of the mining and quarrying which occurred.

Other documents and books have provided data for subsequent chapters and will be introduced in the appropriate places. The former provides an overview of the history of the parishes. The originals of these documents are mainly to be found in the archives of Durham Cathedral. It is possible to work directly from the originals but the transcriptions save a good deal of time.

New explanations have been provided for these which have clarified aspects of the research. The starting point for documentary data is the Boldon Book, compiled in This appears in the Victoria County History for Durham and provides information about who held the parishes at the time.

Much of the data is spread among other volumes and it is necessary to extract information in small amounts – perhaps a single comment – and combine these clues to form a coherent account. In Raine The Durham household book, or, The accounts of the Bursar of the monastery of Durham from Pentecost to Pentecost there are clues to the management of the estate, transactions with outside organisations, agricultural details and links to the road network information.

Hind Registers of Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of Durham – 59 and James Pilkington, Bishop of Durham – 76 has information about the appointment of a priest to Edmundbyers in the sixteenth century. They give insights to the daily working of the estate, the activities of the inhabitants and clues which can be linked together to gain an understanding of the area. Together they form the foundation for the history of the two parishes in the period between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries.

Then there are numerous popular narratives, often with a great deal of useful factual information as well as local folklore and more fanciful accounts. Used with care, such literature can add to the history. Perhaps one of the most useful is The Edmundbyers Book, produced by the village to commemorate the millennium. While it reiterates much of the material covered elsewhere, it includes personal accounts and details of houses not otherwise available.

Muggleswick parish has also produced a small book, but with less material. Particularly helpful are previous studies of aspects of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers.

Finally there are academic books and papers about the area or wider region which can be used to explain or understand what was going on in the parishes. This exchange of the manor of Muggleswick for Hardwick must have occurred before the compilation of the Boldon Book in and during the time that Hugh Pudsey Hugh le Puiset was Bishop of Durham.

Hugh was Bishop of Durham from until Greenway, Thomas, and then Germanus, were the Priors during this period. Muggleswick thus became the property of the Prior and Convent of Durham. While the Bishop kept his hunting rights, the Prior and Convent were given the right to assart octies viginti acras – eight times twenty acres – from the west part of the vill and north and east, with pasture at Horsleyhope, Hisehope and Baldinghope while the Bishop kept his hunting rights in the area Greenwell, ; appendix A.

Further grants continued to add land into the fourteenth century, some of which were for vaccaries, some woodland, meadow and waste. These additions may be seen in figure 3. The further grants of land came from private individuals, but the largest areas were given by the Bishops of Durham and permitted enclosure figure 3. The area described includes the site of the Grange which was subject to recent excavation. The Prior and Convent were allowed to enclose this land provided they allowed the wildlife free ingress and egress Greenwell, This document is interesting in that it mentions a vaccary not detailed in earlier documents, and an existing wall.

This grant would appear to conflict with the previous one as it suggests that the vaccary was established after the gift from Bishop Walter. As usual, the Bishop wanted the animals of the forest to be able to come and go freely so that his hunting could be maintained. Following on from this, Bishop Robert gave the estate another acres of woodland called Denshelm and another acres of waste.

Bishop Robert also included another 60 acres on the south side of Denshelm Greenwell, Antony Beck Bishop of Durham – , in , confirmed the land grants by Robert Stichil, emphasising the animal-proof boundary and penalties for illegal entry ibid.

In the Boldon Book Edmundbyers is described as being held by Alan Bruncoste for his service in the forest. It passed through several owners until in part of it was passed by Walter de Insula to Sir John de Cotum, who also had the advowson of the church. He gave his lands in Edmundbyers to the Prior and Convent, who already owned about a third of the vill, the mill and the advowson of the church.

Edmundbyers seems, subsequently, to have become the township for the estate and the location for the Halmote Courts Greenwell, Wascrophead was added to the lands belonging to Muggleswick in At the Dissolution of the Monasteries, the Prior was appointed Dean of Durham and the estate came into the ownership of the Dean and Chapter.

The land was then divided between the fifth, sixth and eighth prebends of the cathedral. Over the years, the prebends seem to have been loathe to pay their dues for the land, or to take care of the buildings thereon. Possibly it was during this time that the grange buildings fell into disrepair.

While part of these still stands, excavation of other parts by volunteers from the Upper Derwent History and Archaeology Society, Altogether Archaeology North Pennines AONB and by Addyman Archaeology has revealed additional well-constructed buildings and has updated information recorded by Greenwell and Knowles fig. The adjacent parishes of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers have several obvious differences. Muggleswick is an ecclesiastical and civil parish, has a church, a village hall in the former school building and a parish council, but no nucleated settlement.

The Survey describes each farm in a similar way: All that messuage or farme howse with the appurtenances the walls built of stone and clay and thatched with linge with a close called Upper feilde pasture whereon the said howse is scituate boundered with Lysey feild on the north Conteyning by estimacion six acres with A Close of meadowe called Grinsehaugh boundered with the wilkes to the north Conteyning by estimacion sixteene acres the Calfe close hill meadowe boundered with Edward Wardes springe on the East Conteyning by estimacion ten acres The locations of many of these farms can still be identified, either still called by the same name or named after the fields they were situated in.

III: 4. The enquiry took place around , but the use of an older witness suggests that the township may have been demolished well before that date. There is no information regarding the reason for its demolition; it is possible that there was a decline in population following the Black Death so that the village was underpopulated or abandoned like many others around the country. Alternatively, reorganisation of the estate at some stage may have started the process of establishing scattered farms instead.

It is also thought that there may have been a church before the priory, possibly on the site of the present one. The church is mentioned in the land grant of see appendix A. Thus, it seems, Muggleswick has had a community identity throughout, and continues to have some social cohesion, despite the disseminated nature of its residences.

This is supported by the fact that it had a school and that the present village hall runs events that are organised and attended by people living within the parish as well attracting outsiders, as well as the parish council. Edmundbyers, unlike Muggleswick, seems to have been a nucleated settlement since the Middle Ages and may even have existed in the Anglo-Saxon period, although no firm evidence for the latter has yet been established.

The stone church of St Edmund was built around , possibly on the site of an earlier, less solid, structure. Whether the village is named for the farms around the church, or the church was dedicated to match the existing name of the village is likely to remain unknown. However, Edmundbyers, in one of its various spelling incarnations, is mentioned in a fourteenth century document in a reference quoted from a document of c.

While the Parliamentary Survey of the Manor of Muggleswick indicates a similar pattern of settlement to that still found today for Muggleswick itself, the situation for Edmundbyers is different. The Survey, as noted in section 3. However it is known that houses other than those mentioned were built during the seventeenth century, or earlier, further from the Blanchland road, which did not belong to the estate and were thus not included in the Survey.

The Survey does, however state that the occupants of the listed houses held dales or moieties in the Town Fields, which strongly suggests that much of the land was still being farmed in common.

One major supposition made about the village by Hardie was that Edmundbyers had been built around a green on the instructions of the Bishop, as occurred in other parts of the county NAA, 14, passim. The lane called The Closes, which cuts through the aforementioned triangle of land, may be indicative of this area of the village being subject to early enclosure.

Although not mentioned by name an indicator in itself it does appear on his maps in quite another guise. Edmundbyers had a school well into the twentieth century; both the earlier and the later school buildings still exist as private residences. An earlier village hall was requisitioned during World War II and the villagers held whist drives in their homes to raise the money to build a new one.

About this time the Methodist chapel became available and with the help of Sir Andrew Common, the shipowner, who lived at Ruffside, the building was acquired for the village. The community continues to make good use of it with various activity groups, concerts, dances and plays. There is no parish council, however. What Edmundbyers has, instead, is an older democratic system – a Parish Meeting – which represents the community in local government matters but does not have the power to levy a rate.

This significance may be due to the road system of the time see chapter 6. Some examples of such information are used in subsequent chapters. Waskerley was built because of the Stanhope-Tyne railway and has a detailed history of its own associated with that; the story of the railway and the village will be told in chapter 6. The names of the settlements are all considered in detail, but those of watercourses and other physical features are discussed in general terms with the more interesting examples looked at more closely.

Mawer records several references to the name in which the spelling varies quite widely ibid , as is common with place-names throughout history.

The earliest he gives is , with others from thirteenth century documents. The Boldon Book dates from c. Muggleswick was clearly in existence, therefore, well before Although places named later in history often include elements with earlier origins as a deliberate policy nod towards traditionalism, it can be concluded that this is unlikely to have been the case with Muggleswick.

Mawer, however, gives his earliest reference to it as being from Feodarium Priorensis Dunelmensis in Various spellings have been used over the years, with much more controversy than has been the case with the spelling of Muggleswick. Part of the controversy has been fuelled by a thirteenth century document which contains the spelling Edmondbyers in a reference to another document of circa Many of the documents of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries would have been written by monks whose education, if not birth, was Norman.

Thus they would have naturally used the spelling to which they were accustomed. However, the village church is dedicated to St. Edmund, a Saxon saint, and the name has the Saxon spelling. The dedication of the church cannot be a coincidence. It was either named for the village, or vice-versa. It would appear, therefore, that the two major settlements of the parishes have their origins in the period before the Norman Conquest and would generally be considered Anglo-Saxon, although precise dates are impossible to establish and parts of the region were more subject to Scandinavian influence.

The names of the smaller settlements may be later. According to local knowledge it was the landowner who claimed that the area was named after the bird – the ruff – and the spelling has followed that since. The second element M. The Middle English origins of the name indicate that the establishment of the settlement was probably later than Edmundbyers and Muggleswick.

King Edward III was supposed to have crossed the river at this point while travelling between battles. Mawer 71 suggests that the first element may come from the personal name Edith or from Aeddi. However, it was Edisbrig as early as Hist. The spelling of the name still varies from one side of the river to the other. Waskerley perhaps poses the biggest conundrum regarding the origin and meaning of its name. Egglestone considers that it comes from Wascrow which should properly be Westcrau Mawer attributes the origins of Waskerley to the Old Norse vatnskjarr, a marsh of water, or O.

This was transferred to the park and the burn. Mawer translates the name as petemos-ake M. The settlement was much bigger in the Middle Ages than the uninhabited farmstead that stands there today. In this, Pedom hid in a hollow oak tree when the authorities, or his enemies, came looking for him. Since the settlement existed before reiving became commonplace, it is very unlikely that this is anything more than local folklore.

Streams and rivers frequently have names which are early in origin. A number of these prefixes are the names of physical features which are discussed below. Burn comes from the O. Mawer notes that it is the usual word for a small stream in Durham and Northumberland Some of the burns acquired their names in antiquity.

The Burnhope Burn itself is interesting. Burn being Old English like byre, it strengthens the argument that the name of the village is Anglo-Saxon. The swan element of the latter may be a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon swin, swyn, a swine Egglestone, 54 which may be a reasonable explanation as the small dale is not really a likely place for swans.

Feldon and Eudon both have the suffix den or dene Anglo-Saxon or Celto-Saxon meaning a wooded valley. The Allery Burn is named after the alder trees that grew there – O.

It is usually used for a stream that drains from a marsh Egglestone, Anglo-Saxon clough is a cleft down the side of a hill Egglestone, The main river, the Derwent, forms much of the northern border of both Edmundbyers and Muggleswick. Mawer simply lists early references to the river but makes no attempt to explain the name This seems the most likely explanation, especially as parts of the valley are still wooded with very old oak trees.

There are numerous hills, generally with a descriptor or personal name as the prefix. The O. Usually it is a side valley linking to a more important one and the word, while common in Durham and Northumberland as well as being found in Scotland, is rare in the rest of England Mawer, Bainbridge Hill and Roger Hill are examples of personal names.

Among the various descriptive names are Black Hill probably referring to the colour of the soil , Horseshoe Hill either from the shape of the hill or possibly because it is near where the silver horseshoe was found – see table 3. Some hills have names that are less easy to explain. Neither Mawer nor Egglestone makes any attempt to explain it. However, Mawer gives O.

Pow Hill lies close to the Derwent, north of Edmundbyers, so this might be the origin of the name; however, it could also be derived from a personal name. Hepple Hill is also something of a mystery. Mawer explains Hepple near Rothbury as coming from the O. Stoterley Hill is another unusual name. Similarly, Calfclose Hill is likely to have been where there was an enclosure for calves. Even Bashaw Bank is similarly named as Bashaw is probably derived from badger-shaw or badger-wood Egglestone, The terms bank, rig, law, pike, plain, flat and head are found frequently in the area.

Bank is generally used for the slope of a hill and is Middle English in origin Beckensall, n. Beckensall and Egglestone agree about the origins of rig – O. However, Beckensall links it to the strips of land in the common fields, which is not appropriate in this use of the term n.

E meaning rising ground or a hill Egglestone, 93; Mawer, A pike is a peak or pointed eminence Egglestone, 96 , as in Hunterley Pike; Beckensall suggests the origin of the word is O. The area contains numerous valleys, both large and small, and the top end of such valleys, especially where streams rise, is often referred to as the head.

The name of my own house, Westgarth, includes the Scandinavian garth yet there is no evidence that there was an enclosure on the site before the eighteenth or nineteenth century. Moreover, some names, such as Limerick, involve a whimsical exotic flavour which has no link to the locality. Fashion, a desire for conformity – or unconventionality – and personal preference may all have influenced the names which have been applied to places in the landscape and survived to the present day.

Consequently, it is necessary to employ some care and common sense in the use of place names to understand the settlement history of an area. Physical features of the landscape, like hills and especially watercourses, may have been named even before there was settled agriculture.

Thus it indicates that there was probably human activity in the study area before the Roman period. However, a river is a long stretch of water. The lower reaches could have been settled and the river named long before the uplands near its source. In fact, the upper course of the river might even have carried a different name locally before the lowland name stretched to include the whole river.

It can be seen from this brief discussion that there are many pitfalls in the use of place names. Archaeological evidence shows that there was human activity in the area long before this, however. The names of farms and fields do not necessarily fit the same pattern. Some discussion of them and their derivations will be undertaken in chapter 5.

It cannot be relied upon for all information, however, because it can only reflect those sites and finds that have been reported or recorded. As this chapter will show, the history of the area is much richer than the HER alone would suggest. Both listings, with details, and maps have been produced for the various periods for which there are records.

It should be noted that recent research has added sites to the HER, some of which repeat earlier records. These have been added from the Keys to the Past website. However, this lacks detail, so either the full HER acquired earlier in this research or the English Heritage listings are used to provide further information.

This section gives an overview of the recorded sites for the parishes. It does not discuss any in detail as those which are pertinent will feature later in this and other chapters.

Otherwise the evidence for prehistoric settlement relies largely on flints; the sites of the cist burial and barrow listed in the HER are not known. This demonstrates the partiality of the data. It is possible that the Three Curricks sit on a prehistoric site and that Stoney Hill is a burial mound; both are on Muggleswick Common and visible on the skyline from many parts of the valley.

However, in the Cheviots, Bronze Age upland settlement comprised of mainly unenclosed platform settlements has been found, predominantly on south or east facing slopes in England and up to m asl Topping, Consequently it is possible that there were such settlements in the area of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers but that factors such as the topography and, particularly, the vegetation thick heather cover on much of the open fell mean that they have not yet been identified.

Figure 3. From this it can be seen that the topography does not seem to have had much effect on prehistoric use of the area; locations are scattered across hillsides and valleys, some close to watercourses and some not. The majority, however, are on south or south-easterly facing slopes, showing some similarity with Cheviot settlements. Clearly there was activity in the area in the prehistoric period but the lack of finds may be explained by one or more possibilities. It is possible that little evidence was left behind by any occupants, settled or transient, during that period.

It is also likely that evidence has not yet been discovered or identified and has thus not been recorded on the HER.

A third possibility is that few people actually used the area until much later. This seems unlikely given the length of the prehistoric, despite limitations to settlement at some times due to climatic conditions.

Moreover, a Mesolithic flint scatter and Bronze Age cairn figure 3. Although there is sparse evidence for activity during the prehistoric, the time period will be visited again in discussions about climate in chapter 4.

Although these are putative, it cannot be assumed that there was no human activity in the parishes for several hundred years. As the place- name discussion section 3. Moreover, the discussion of Roman routes in chapter 6 suggests that the area was not completely isolated. These are early leadmining remains which were recorded by a local man with a particular interest in such matters.

See Featherstonhaugh for details Arch. Surviving in and mentioned by 2 house Featherstonhaugh as being 27ft x 21ft with stone-built gables and 1 pair of crucks Grid ref may be incorrect. Part of hilt of misericorde dagger found at S. Originally c. Hutchinson says much of it was in tillage and 4 park NZ Muggleswick 13th C. Where marked on OS map No visible remains in church or churchyard.

Present church dates from Documentary evidence of church by 5 site of church NZ Muggleswick 13th C. No visible trace. Enclosed by wall. In Horsleyhope Valley? Mediaeval wayside cross by roadside. Socket stone roughly square, sides 0. Socket 0. Where dot on map! Most of level terrace N. Some turf- 8 field systems NZ Muggleswick Park covered field walls – probably of late date. Thomas Pereson d. Did the relatively large size, high ceilings and, presumably, windows found in the fifteenth-century open hall, make it one of the best lit rooms in the house for a great part of the day, and consequently one suitable to a range of activities?

Several such halls contained spinning wheels during the first half of the fifteenth century, although after that date these are most often found in chambers, possibly as halls were ceiled over and were no longer as well-lit.

Barber and chandler William Caton d. Yet all but one of the York halls containing weapons and armour also contained a variety of seating, soft furnishings and hangings, rendering the space neither entirely masculine nor entirely symbolic. Does the introduction of the parlour reflect a change in the physical building itself, or was an existing room simply provided with a new, more specialized designation, reflecting a shift in the usage of the room?

When William Langland wrote Piers Plowman c. The next reference occurs in a will of in which a testator bequeaths his best counter in the parlour BIA, Prob. Schmidt, London, reprint , Passus X, ll. The parlour in the house of John Colan d. Richard Wynder d. By the mid sixteenth century, some larger York homes contained multiple parlours, often described according to their position within the house. The houses of John Litstar d. According to the inventories, the majority were bed chambers furnished with one or more beds and their accoutrements, although a few seem to have been used purely for storage purposes.

The homes for which inventories exist contained between one and seven chambers, although, as mentioned above, several homes also had parlours which were at least occasionally used as bedrooms. No inventory from the s records more than three chambers within a single home, while after the number of bed chambers greatly increased in many homes, again supporting the theory that houses were often extended, or rooms subdivided, during the sixteenth century, and implying that some houses may have been accommodating a larger number of both people and objects.

The number of beds found within each chamber also varied, ranging from one to five beds, although two or three beds per chamber seems to have been the norm. However, as the size of these beds is never mentioned, the number of people who would have slept in each bed, and consequently in each bedchamber, remains uncertain. Some York houses contained a room described as the great chamber or magna camera.

In grander London houses from , and in larger Norwich houses of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, this room was a chamber located above the parlour used as a reception room and for dining. Anneke B. Furthermore, even at this late date, all three of the post great chambers contained a minimum of two beds each, suggesting that the provision of a sleeping space remained the primary function of this room. The home of John Grene d. Names were also provided to differentiate one chamber from another.

York chambers are described as being over halls, parlours, butteries, shops, entries, kitchens and other chambers. Alice Wattirton d. Other items found in chambers throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries include work equipment and tools, weapons and armour, hunting and fishing equipment, candles, spinning wheels and quantities of wool, linen, harden and tow.

A number of chambers held food storage vessels, the contents of which, though usually unknown, included cheese, verjuice, coal, haver, onions, rye and barley. Privies were also called stools in the sixteenth century, and were comprised of three parts: a wooden seat; a pit or container for collecting the waste; and a chute, funnel or pipe connecting the two other parts together.

James Taylour d. Yet in York, only two galleries appear in the sampled documents, both in Aclam also kept two little ladders in his high chamber and Colan had one in a room simply called the alia camera; both of these chambers contained beds and both seemed to be used only for storage. Often situated around a courtyard, as was also the case at the Starre Inne, such galleries were common in buildings used as inns. Kitchens The evidence provided by both standing buildings and surviving inventories indicates that most medium- to large-size homes contained a kitchen located on the ground floor of the house, either at the back of the main range or in a separate building across a yard to minimize risk to the property of damage by fire.

Schofield found evidence of kitchens located on the first floor of some London houses where the ground floor was occupied by shops, but the only extant example of a first-floor kitchen in York is of a much later date.

The order in which rooms were listed in the sampled inventories suggests that kitchens often adjoined other service rooms such as the buttery, brewhouse or boltinghouse. Jope London: Odhams Press Ltd, , See Chapter 6, V, no.

Evidence that at least some York houses were equipped with drains during this period is provided by the will of John Wylkynson in which he left fellow barber and chandler William Caton the lead gutter aqueductus plumberus from his house, although it is unknown from which room this came. Inventory evidence shows that, as well as numerous hearth implements used to stoke, cook upon and clean the hearths and ovens, kitchens unsurprisingly contained numerous different types of pots, pans, cooking and food preparation utensils as well as serving vessels.

Many also contained furniture including aumbries cupboards for food or tableware , seating and several types of tables or boards on which food was prepared, described variously as boards, dressing boards and kitchen boards. Over one third of the sampled kitchens also contained one or more cauls — dressers equipped with hutches underneath to accommodate capons, hens and cocks during cold weather — indicating that some kitchens also contained live domestic animals.

Sixteenth-century evidence includes references to cupboards, counters and stands or gantries wooden racks for storing casks in kitchens, on which at least some of these storage vessels would have been kept. Some households, including those of two bakers and an inn, also kept moulding boards, kneading troughs and other bread-making equipment in their kitchens the former baking bread for sale and the latter for the use of its patrons.

The English Dialect Dictionary, ed. The presence in contemporary kitchens of such a large amount and wide variety of domestic objects relating to food storage, preparation, cooking, eating and cleaning, suggests that throughout the period homes with well-stocked kitchens were to a large extent self-sufficient, with residents preparing much of their own food and drink without having to rely on the market for cooking and consumption.

In contrast to other urban centres such as Norwich, no beds were located within York kitchens, indicating that in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century York the kitchen was already well established as a specialized room reserved for the storage and preparation of food.

Pewter vessels, silver plate, basins, ewers and candlesticks were all kept in butteries, as were tablecloths, napkins, towels and other linen used at the dining table. Shelves, cupboards, aumbries and arks were often found within larger butteries, used for storing the above-mentioned items as well as food and drink.

Although provisions themselves were not usually included in inventories, the contents, or intended contents, of several storage containers is listed, giving an indication of some of the food and drink prepared and consumed in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century York homes.

Examples include a kit for oats j kytt pro avenis , verjuice barrels , , , , salt kits , powdering kits for curing meat , , ale stands and pots , , , , , beer pots , herb pots and a butter churn , while fletcher James Hall had twenty- four gallons of ale about pints!

Boltinghouses were likely to be located adjacent to the kitchen or in a separate outbuilding close to the kitchen, such as that of John Colan d. Other objects found in boltinghouses include a bird cage and stool of ease , a spinning wheel , horse equipment and a rat trap Her brewhouse was stocked with a mashfat for making wort from malt, a gilefat for fermenting the wort, six wort leads, a shaking-seed, a brew lead, two steep leads, a tap-trough, a winnowing fork and winnowing cloth, various sieves, a wide range of storage containers and quarters of malt.

Mashfats, gilefats and storage vessels were found in the majority of brewhouses, although the mashfat could be kept in the kitchen, with the gilehouse being used only during the fermenting process.

These cellars were not necessarily located underground: one of those included in a bequest by William Hill is described as being behind the shop, suggesting a ground-floor room.

Raine, Testamenta Eboracensia, vol. The many cellars on Stonegate all appear to be of a much later date. Cellars and dyngs, then, were not always merely storage facilities, but could be functional rooms in their own right, and appear to have been named for their perhaps slightly sunken position in the house rather than for the objects they contained or the functions they fulfilled.

In addition to its two kitchens, buttery, cellar, bolting chamber and gilehouse, David M. Yet as the object assemblages illustrate, these rooms were often multi- functional in that they could be used for additional purposes as need required, most commonly for storage of food items and unneeded domestic objects. Other interior rooms Sometimes rooms named in inventories appear only once in the sampled material; these may be either single examples of a specific type of space used for a particular function or a variant name for a recognizable room whose function and furnishings have already been established.

In John Chapman had a room which he called his low study basso studio but which at least partly functioned as a chamber as it contained a bed and bedding. Stables Of the fifty-two household inventories sampled, twenty-four of the larger properties included listings for stables, with the earliest reference occurring in the inventory of chapman Thomas Gryssop in Geoffrey Frankland d. In the second half of the sixteenth century, some households had more than one stable on their property: William Hill d.

See Chapter 6. Many inventories also list hay, fuel and horse equipment such as saddles, bridles and panniers, as well as horses, cows and, in one case, sheep. Other items found in stables include iron forks, presumably for moving hay, horse combs for grooming animals, ladders, boots and tools including an axe, a hay hook and a spade.

Although William Thompson d. Bartholomew Daragunne d. Both of these homes had a cowhouse, with the inn also having a milkhouse, as mentioned above, and a coalhouse. Yards, garths, backsides and other outdoor spaces are among the most under-represented areas listed in inventories as they would have been omitted from the evaluation if no movable objects of value were found within them. Garths first appear in the inventories in when Geoffrey Frankland kept wood, boards, tenters, coal and sheep in his.

Ralph Bekwith d. The rarity of henhouses should not be taken as an indication that few residents kept poultry, as the presence of hen cauls in many kitchens testifies. The court garth at the Starre Inne contained three water tubs with a laver and chain, which probably supplied the inn with collected rainwater for washing; the backside of the inn may have been used for washing laundry as it contained a stone trough, a washing stone and a bucket.

The exception is Hugh Grantham d. Richard More d. John Northe d. Percival Crawfourthe d. That of William Hill d. The tenement owned by Robert Beckewithe in , and subsequently by his son Leonard In physician Bartholomew Tristram kept six rabbits in cages, presumably in a garth or other outdoor area: BIA, Prob. She also kept a hog there. Shops are not mentioned in the wills of any St Margaret or St Lawrence resident and although a shop is listed in the inventory of weaver Robert Fawcett d.

Yet as the majority of the inhabitants of these parishes were either landholders or manufacturers, including tanners, walkers and weavers, who did not produce finished goods for sale to the general public, shops were unnecessary. These craftsmen would, however, have required workspaces in which to ply their trades, although there is no documentary evidence as to whether or not these were located on the same tenements as the houses in which they lived.

Craftsmen both made and sold their products on site, with shop inventories containing listings for craft materials, working tools and finished products, and they thus required a BIA, Prob. Although added to and altered c. Fawcett did, however, have a workhouse where his four looms were set up.

Occasionally an inventory will describe the shop contents in such detail that the layout of the shop can be inferred. It also listed two parcloses which could have been used to separate the front half of the shop from the workspace in the rear, which appears to have held a chest to store his ware j war kyst , forty-two bow strings cordula , hemp, a hammer, a basket, a stool and other boards aliis tabulis.

The shop, which contained finished products, chests and shelves, tools and lathes, was where Thwaitt would have finished off his creations and displayed his products for sale. Two other founders, William Wynter d. His hall house, however, contained both the raw materials cloth, thread and sewing silk and finished products of his craft including modish sixteenth-century fashions such as ruffs, collars, coifs and neckingers, as well as handkerchiefs and part of a vestment of crimson velvet.

The object assemblages listed in inventories show that the availability of extra space within the house provided by the sixteenth-century improvement and modification of buildings allowed for rooms to take on more specialized functions, which consequently allowed for the accumulation of a greater number of domestic objects and personal possessions within the household.

Although many much smaller residences existed in the city of York, the evidence provided by surviving contemporary buildings and extant probate inventories is prejudiced towards larger houses of five or more rooms, with room numbers increasing towards the end of the period.

Halls, although no longer necessarily open to the roof, retained their position as one of the most important rooms in the house while simultaneously becoming more symbolic and less multifunctional as residents increasingly used their parlours for sitting and dining. First noted in York homes in the mid fifteenth century, most of the sampled houses contained at least one parlour by the sixteenth century. Whether used as a bedroom, sitting room, dining room or combination of the three, the parlour was almost always the best decorated and furnished room in the house and, along with the hall, was often one of the first rooms to have it windows glazed or walls panelled.

As the number of rooms in houses increased, so did the number of chambers, the majority of which served as bed chambers. Some were specifically reserved for the use of certain people while others were designated as the master bedroom of the house, as evidenced in both cases by the names assigned to each room.

Room specialization is most apparent in those spaces designated for food preparation and storage. By the beginning of the fifteenth century kitchens were already used almost exclusively for cooking, preparing and storing food, while several York houses also had rooms specially designated for preparing flour and ale and for storing meat. In contrast, the buttery, originally a room for storing drink, came to be used as more of a general purpose storage room for all objects related to the dining experience, including vessels, linen and candlesticks as well as provisions.

For the duration of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, many of the surveyed homes incorporated shops or workshops on the premises, implying that although most work took place in these segregated and specialized rooms, those spaces, and the objects contained within them, were still considered to be part and parcel of the family home. Indeed, as discussed above, many artisans continued to practice their craft or store their products within the private part of the house throughout the period.

Throughout this chapter regional differences have been considered, particularly in relation to London and Norwich houses. Differences in nomenclature have been addressed, such as the identification of the great chamber as a dining room in London and in larger Norwich homes, whereas in York it refers to the master bedroom, which in turn is known as the parlour chamber in Norwich. Differences in the object assemblages found in particular rooms has also been discussed, including the absence of beds in London parlours as opposed to their common presence in the parlours of both York and Norwich, as well as their presence in some Norwich kitchens.

Furthermore, while the hall retained its importance throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in York, the number of houses containing rooms known as halls fell drastically in Norwich after Perhaps the biggest regional difference concerns the timing of the rebuilding, renovating and expanding of York houses.

King suggests that this, coupled with improvements in building construction, may reflect growing expectations of living standards and increasing material prosperity.

Different types of value will be considered, namely financial value including valuation at probate, value revealed through discard practices and functional value, concentrating on the assemblages of objects used to produce different sets of objects in workshops and within the household. Through this last discussion, evidence for specialization of work and organization of production will also be explored.

The range of household objects described in the documents and found in the archaeological record is extremely wide, and can be divided into twelve broad functional categories: furniture; furnishings; cooking and dining; household textiles, dress and dress accessories; religious objects; health and hygiene; literacy; leisure and recreation; outdoor equipment; weapons and armour; plate; and craft, industry and trade.

Interdisciplinarity is thus central to this consideration of value, not only because the types of objects found in the documentary sources and the archaeological record often differ so radically, but because the very nature of the source material dictates that objects appearing in the documentary record, or in material assemblages in museums or private collections, do so precisely because they were considered to be valuable, while the majority of objects found through archaeological investigation were discarded because they no longer had any measurable value.

The below discussion of the material character and range of domestic objects in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century York homes provides a brief analysis of the types of objects that fall under each of the above categories, illustrating the both volume and variety of objects required, or desired, in order for houses to function as homes.

More detailed examinations of particular items, including new innovations and styles, and the various types of value attributed to them, follow later in the chapter. Pieces were either freestanding or built into the structure of the house itself. Fixed objects were considered a part of the house and were therefore excluded from inventories and testamentary bequests, but may have included cupboards and shelves recessed into walls and, at later dates, bench seats projecting from, and attached to, panelled walls.

Free-standing items, on the other hand, were regularly listed in inventories and bequeathed in wills and include various types of tables including boards, counters and desks , cupboards including aumbries, presses, cauls, butteries and portals , shelves, chests and arks, seating including stools, chairs and benches, forms and settles and beds.

No complete piece of furniture survives in the archaeological record, which is not surprising considering that not only does wood survive poorly in the ground but also would have been much more economically and conveniently discarded by burning rather than burial.

However the seat of a stool sf and two possible chest lids sf, sf were excavated at the Coppergate site, while metal fittings from items of furniture, including hinges, binding strips and decorative mounts, have also been recovered in the city. See Appendix, Containers used specifically for food have been considered under Cooking and Dining, while buckets are included with Outdoor Equipment.

Most boxes and coffers were probably made of wood although others may have been of a more costly material: two spice boxes are described as being made from silver and ivory respectively, while one coffer was made of jet and banded with silver. Tableware consists of eating and drinking vessels made from a variety of materials including pottery, wood, pewter and occasionally glass, serving vessels, including condiment containers and chafing dishes, and cutlery, specifically spoons as knives were usually worn on the person and forks were not in common use until many decades later.

Household textiles, dress and dress accessories is a large category including everything found in the home that was made from fabric, as well as other clothing, fastenings and accessories. Dress comprises all garments worn by residents of fifteenth- and sixteenth- century York including footwear and headwear, while accessories include a wide variety of dress fastenings, finger rings, purses and knives worn on the body. While almost every household contained objects from the above categories, items from a number of smaller categories are only identified as being present in a few homes.

Religious objects were often found and used in domestic settings and included rosaries, crucifixes, altar cloths, vestments and religious books, as well as secular objects decorated with religious imagery or inscriptions. Examples include wells, buckets and chains, tubs used for a variety of purposes, garden tools and horse equipment such as saddles, harness and hecks, mangers and bays.

No contemporary examples have been recovered in York investigations. The final, and perhaps most comprehensive, category concerns objects relating to the wide range of craft, industry and trade activities carried out by the people of York. These objects include not only the finished products found in the shops often attached to York homes, but also the tools, equipment and raw materials used to make these objects.

Not only did advances in design and technology result in the development of new or improved products in many crafts, but increased imports from elsewhere in England and from overseas greatly expanded the range of goods available to the urban consumer. Additionally, as standards of living continued to rise over the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, possessing certain goods, or goods made from certain See Appendix, — In total, the names of twenty-nine identifiable York pewterers appear in the sampled documentary material.

Itemized pewter objects in wills and inventories indicate that pewterers were not only providing the local market with tablewares, such as dishes, doublers, saucers, salt-cellars, porringers, chargers, platters and drinking vessels, but also with pewter basins, ewers, candlesticks and, towards the end of the period, chamber pots. Changes in the types of weapons and armour owned by York residents over the two hundred years studied provide an excellent example for illustrating both improvements in manufacturing practices Heather Swanson, Medieval Artisans: An Urban Class in Late-Medieval England Oxford: Blackwell, , 76— See Chapter 6, —95, , —, for pewter ownership in the late sixteenth century.

The earliest English will in this sample is the testament of Agnes Helperby, presumably a singlewoman and the sister of a former vicar in York Minster, which was written in ; the next does not occur until Are such references identifying new products or innovations, or are the English words simply replacing earlier Latin terms?

This question is often impossible to answer. However, looking at the wills and inventories compiled during this transitional period of about to , it is evident that the scribes, appraisers and residents themselves sometimes struggled to find the correct Latin term with which to describe certain possessions.

Thus, many wills primarily written in Latin switch to English, often preceded by the Anglo-Norman lez, to describe objects for which the Latin is unknown. In , for example, William Cotyngham bequeathed both his leather belt with silver buckles and a pendant meam zonam pelliceam cum lez bokelles et pendant de argento and his ostrich-feather bedding lectum cum lez Ostrichfedyrs using a combination of Latin and English.

When Thomas Rede wrote his will in he did not know the correct Latin name for the furniture which he wished to leave to his son and daughter, forcing him to insert the English word for clarity: ij mensas vulgariter dictas copeburdes. Furnivall, ed. In the absence of surviving shop or market price lists, the financial value of domestic objects can best be explored using probate inventories.

The value ascribed to an object in an inventory, then, only reflects what that particular object was worth at the time the inventory was made, and not what the retail value of the object was when new.

The difference in the approximate relative value of old and new items can occasionally be illustrated through two entries in the same inventory. And in Robert Loksmyth owned three counters: a counter worth 5s; an old counter worth 2s; and a broken counter valued at just 6d. Also, the limited number of surviving inventories, the lack of descriptive details provided for the majority of objects listed, the fact that many different objects were listed and valued as assemblages, and the two hundred year time gap over which the inventories span, mean that general comparisons of the value of similar household items would be of very little use if, indeed, possible at all.

And weaver Thomas Catton d. Functional value will be discussed in more detail below. Beds and bedding In many homes, the most valuable objects were the household beds and bedding, but as these were often listed as a set containing the bed itself as well as the accompanying mattresses, covers, curtains, pillows etc.

The most expensive single pieces of fifteenth-century bedding, two new coverlets ij coopertoriis novis , were valued at just 2s 6d each, despite being described as new, while no wooden bed was assigned a value greater than a shilling. As the bedding listed in sixteenth-century inventories was not only more valuable and luxurious but also more plentiful than that of the preceding century, it is likely that such investment in bedding also reflected an increasing concern with warmth, comfort and even appearance in the most private rooms of the home.

Such listings thus illustrate not only the number and variety of objects required to furnish a single bed, providing a mental image of how the fully- dressed bed would have appeared, but also the value of the bed as a whole, with the hierarchy of assessed values reflecting the hierarchy within the household itself. Inventory evidence suggests that prices of dressed beds continued to rise throughout the sixteenth century, as did the luxuriousness of their furnishings.

Furthermore, the best bed in a house might have been excluded from the inventory if it was a fixed piece of furniture. Found in York houses from around the s, trundle beds were probably used by servants or children. Because some bed components and bedding are listed separately in these inventories, the exact number of beds in a household cannot be definitively determined; the table therefore represents the minimum number of beds present in each house, although there is no guarantee that all were being used at the time the inventory was made.

However, very few indications of such changes in either male or female fashion are evident in the sampled historical sources, a result of the lack of descriptive detail provided by the majority of inventory listings coupled with the sporadic presence of clothing bequests in wills.

Richard Britnell Stroud: Sutton, , 8. As explained above, textiles rarely survive in the archaeological record and when they do fragments are usually so small that the original form of the garment cannot be determined: Chapter 2, Jane Burns New York: Palgrave, , Unsurprisingly the number of such highly valued items increases towards the end of the sixteenth century; until the s no single inventory lists more than one gown of this value.

However, by far the largest and most expensive collection of gowns belonged to Lady Jane Calome, widow of tailor and former mayor Richard Calome. Most York residents Lady Jane Calome being an exception probably owned only one or two highly valued gowns which likely would have been reserved for holidays and other special occasions, such as that which Jane Hebden d.

In addition to gowns, girdles and belts zona were also among the most expensive items of clothing owned by York residents, and were sometimes described in wills as being studded or decorated with silver, or made of expensive fabrics such as silk, although only a few are provided with a monetary valuation. While not the most expensive items of clothing that they owned, Agnes Reade d. As inventories that itemize clothing attest, although York residents invested a great deal of money in the outfits they wore, most had one garment, often a gown or a girdle, that was worth considerably more than the remainder of their wardrobes.

These expensive outfits and accessories, often made from costly fabrics, trimmed with fur or, in the case of girdles, adorned with silver, were reserved for best and, as such, were considered to be both financially and sentimentally appropriate and generous objects to bequeath to family or very special friends in the last will and testament.

Monetary values are provided, presumably by the testator him- or herself, for only certain types of items, with objects made of gold and silver the most common, although the prices of items of clothing and textiles and craft equipment or products also appear.

The exception is Richard Wynder d. Margaret Hoveden d. She would have been aware of the value of the object precisely because it had been recently purchased and she presumably recalled the amount that she had paid for it. Thus goldsmiths John Luneburgh d. Gold and silver objects for which values are provided include three gold rings, two mazers, seven silver spoons, two chalices, a standing piece, a gold heart and a gold piece.

The only other bequests provided with a monetary value in the sampled wills were articles of clothing and textiles. Isabel Freman d. York residents such as these probably bought cloth for their own households from city shops or markets and thus would have known the market value of the various textiles they had purchased.

Similarly, it is likely that John Johnson d. Yet there is little to explain exactly how pinner Richard Bouthe d. Several possibilities exist. A further possibility, particularly in the case of church vestments such as those bequeathed by Richard Wynder d.

Of the other objects assigned monetary values in testaments, all belong to categories described above as being among the most valuable in the household, namely, plate, clothing or textiles. Furthermore, it is significant that both male and female testators appear aware of the financial value of these possessions, implying that both men and women played a part in supplying and managing the household and its objects. In contrast to the prized possessions singled out for bequests in wills and the often highly valuable objects appraised in inventories, the majority of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century small finds excavated in York consist of objects that had been deliberately thrown away when no longer of use to their owners.

Thus, an examination of the types of objects found, and the reasons why they may have been discarded, can shed light on the value, or lack thereof, attributed to those objects by their owners. However, it must be remembered that many purposefully discarded objects have not survived burial. The constant occupation and development of the city has likely resulted in many discarded objects being cleared away in preparation for new building work, while other objects will have partially or completely decayed due to the material from which they were made.

This is particularly true of items made from organic matter such as textiles, leather, horn and wood which are prone to decay in most conditions. Often found in deliberately dug dump pits, these objects were presumably thrown away when broken and therefore no longer of use. Both Walmgate wares, made in the city itself, and Humber wares — hard-fired iron-rich red-bodied wares, often partially glazed in dull green shades, usually with little or no decoration — were probably mass produced and relatively inexpensive.

The most common Walmgate ware vessels are small unglazed or partially glazed drinking jugs, while the predominant Humber ware forms are serving jugs, cisterns and urinals. See Appendix, —32, , , See Appendix, —29, , , Such a large amount of discarded pottery indicates that earthenware objects had a high functional value, and were likely used on a daily basis in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century kitchens in particular.

The fact that these vessels are almost entirely functional, and quickly discarded when flawed, does not mean that they were not carefully crafted, and often decorated and glazed, by skilled artisans. Yet, as the predominance of broken pottery in the archaeological record indicates, such vessels, although of high functional value, were mass produced, of little financial value and very cheap to replace.

The almost complete absence in probate inventories of objects described as being made of pottery supports this hypothesis. In fact, throughout the period only two types of objects listed in the inventories are ever defined as being made of pottery: drinking pots and cruses small earthen vessels for liquids which were often used for ale or beer; and crucibles, used by metalworkers as melting pots and discarded after a single use.

Such objects are considered to be valuable not because they cost a lot of money to purchase, but because they were essential for the production of other objects which were then either used by the household or sold to provide the income from which the household was run.

See Appendix, , See Appendix, , — Drinking pots and cruses: Raine, Testamenta Eboracensia, vol. Many artisans relied upon specific tools or pieces of equipment in order to make the products which they then sold to other residents of York, as well as to visitors from further afield.

The functional value of craft tools is particularly apparent in the shop inventories of metalworkers where such objects were usually itemized separately or in small assemblages composed of similar tools.

In monetary terms, no individual tool was worth more than a couple of pennies, with the most expensive being a pair of stamps lez stampis worth 7d each, yet over fifty-six objects comprising twenty-five different types of tools are described, listed and valued, again stressing the functional value and importance of each item to the manufacturing process.

Experts were brought in to appraise each individual fabric, implying that its functional value, as well as the cost which it could achieve when sold, was determined by the skill with which it was made. Yet the only tools listed were two pairs of shears and two pressing irons, valued at just 1s 2d in total.

The shop inventories of other cloth-workers, including another tailor, a draper and a hosier, follow this pattern of emphasizing the functional value of the material, and also listed shears and pressing irons as the only required tools; the exception occurs at the very end of the period when, in addition to the mandatory shears and pressing irons, tailor John Hudles d.

Most artisans left the tools necessary to their crafts to fellow craftsmen, apprentices or family members who followed the same trade, providing an indication of the objects which they considered essential to carrying out that particular type of work. The only equipment bequeathed by weavers and tapiters, for example, were the looms essential for weaving cloth and coverlets, while tanners only gifted the tubs in which their leather was soaked, indicating that those objects had the highest functional value for people undertaking these occupations.

In , one joiner left his apprentice nine different kinds of planes and another left his servant and his apprentice the planes, heading chisels, firmers, handsaws and hatchets that each worked with, while in a carpenter left a set of ten different woodworking tools to his apprentice.

The relatively low value assigned to shears may account for their occasional presence in archaeological contexts: see Appendix, Tanners: BIA, Prob. All of the bequeathed spinning equipment was left to servants, two of whom were male, although it is possibly that the spinning wheels left to each of them may have been intended for their households rather than for themselves personally.

The functional value of tools and equipment, on the other hand, was determined by the important role which each played in creating new products. While these objects may not have been worth much on the resale market, with many valued at just a few pennies each, their functional value was great enough for each to be individually itemized, described and valued.

Organization of production The importance of the functional value of object assemblages used in the household or shop to create new sets of objects in many cases led to attempts to organize production in order to increase output and, more importantly, profit. Not only do apprentices and servants feature prominently as recipients of craft objects in wills, but several men described as servants of the testator had already gained the freedom of the city at the time the will was made, implying that they were fully trained practitioners of their craft employed by the testator in a workshop more extensive than that usually associated with a single household.

See Chapter 3, 73, The streets of Petergate and Stonegate in particular were home to a large number of metalworkers, often distinguished in their wills and inventories by the materials with which they worked, and in the archaeological record by the waste that they left behind: smiths or blacksmiths with iron; goldsmiths with gold and silver; founders with brass or copper alloy; pewterers with pewter.

Penelope J. Cardmaker: BIA, Prob. Girdlers: BIA, Prob. Haberdashers: BIA, Prob. The number of innkeepers and booksellers in the city rose sharply with the permanent establishment of the Council of the North in York in , and following the Reformation, when the demand for many products made for church use was obliterated, James Taylour, an embroiderer and vestmentmaker, adapted to the fall in church business by expanding his production to include such Elizabethan fashion essentials as collars, ruffs, neckingers, handkerchiefs and coifs, while glaziers also diversified by concentrating on the provision of domestic glass windows.

Prior to the Reformation, the church was one of the main consumers of many specialized products, particularly those objects produced in workshops situated near the Minster in the sampled streets of Petergate and Stonegate. Yet the Reformation, and the changes it brought with it, forced many to change their specialization, either by adopting an entirely new trade, by supplementing their income with an additional occupation such as innkeeping, or by diversifying to create new products for new markets, as did the glaziers of post- Reformation York.

According to Palliser, in the city corporation licensed sixty-four men and women as innholders. For glaziers, see below. Matthew Petty d. Others include the Chaumbres and the Sharleys. Each firm would have been run by a master glazier employing several free, fully-trained glaziers as well as apprentices.

The workshop of John Chaumbre d. In his will of , Thompson bequeathed craft equipment to three free glaziers, Richard Pillie, Ambrose Dunwich and Lawrence Spenser, and to two other men, who may have been apprentices. Six years later, his widow remembered four free glaziers in her will, three of whom were the above-named employees of her late husband. Thomas Coverham, William Inglissh and Robert Hudson were made free as glaziers in , and respectively: Francis Collins, ed.

Scale unit 0. The pit contained over 2, fragments of glass ranging in colour from red to pink to white and has been dated to the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century Fig.

For glaziers bequeathing tables and work- boards see: BIA, Prob. Production was organized into family firms or workshops employing a number of trained and apprentice glass workers under a master glazier. Post- Reformation, when the demand for stained glass windows was almost completely eliminated, York glaziers such as Thomas Alman, made free in , must have adapted their specialization to focus on domestic glass windows. The documentary evidence suggests that new objects, innovations and styles were owned by residents of the city relatively soon after their first occurrence in the country, indicating that York was not a provincial backwater, but a thriving commercial city able to keep abreast of the latest trends and to provide its residents with new and fashionable products shortly following their introduction into England.

The domestic objects assigned the greatest financial value in contemporary inventories included plate, bedding and clothing, with the latter two at least increasing in both luxuriousness, style and cost during the sixteenth century. While tools and equipment were functionally valuable due to their indispensability in the production of new goods, either for the use of the household or for sale to provide the household with its income, the functional value of intermediary products, such as cloth and leather, was also influenced by the skill with which it had been made, which in turn reflected the price for which it could be sold.

However, the functional value attributed to objects used in the production process is just one indication of the overwhelming importance of production, and its resulting revenue, to the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century household.

Production was organized in both domestic and artisanal settings, as business enterprises expanded to include paid, and often fully trained, employees. In contrast to the interdisciplinary approach used in previous chapters, this chapter relies almost solely on evidence found in wills, as in most cases the emotional value attributed to an object can only be accessed through an investigation of the ways in which its owner described and bequeathed that special object in his or her last will and testament.

It will conclude with a discussion of how familial values were reflected in the bequest of assemblages to regenerate households, followed by a case study examining the affective bequests created by an early sixteenth-century York resident. The study of the history of emotions, though still in its infancy, has already contributed much to our understanding of the feelings and motivations of the people of the past. The work of Barbara Rosenwein, in particular, has provided insights, and instruction, in how such an investigation into the history of emotions might be undertaken.

Archaeological finds bearing emotional inscriptions or family sigils could also be identified as affective objects; unfortunately none have yet been recovered datable to fifteenth- or sixteenth-century York. Thus, in order to explore the emotional or affective value assigned to various objects, focus will be placed on the ways in which those objects are described and bequeathed in wills, becoming carriers of emotions and investments in the affective relationships of the testator with his or her emotional community of family, friends and neighbours.

This chapter concentrates on three very specific ways in which an object could be provided with an affective value. The first involves bequests of religious objects to family and friends and, conversely, of household objects to the church, highlighting the emotional attachment the testator felt for religion in general and for the emotional community of his or her parish or intended recipients in particular.

These lists are based on the works of Cicero and other classical writers, with English equivalents provided, and include words relating to emotions such as love, hate, sadness, joy etc. It could be argued that every single gift made in a will — whether of money, objects or even good wishes — is evidence of some emotion, most often affection, for the person or group to whom it is given.

Often the bequeathed object was provided with a biography, through the testator relating aspects of its history which bound it not only to the testator but also to other particular people, places, times or events, and the emotions associated with them. In general terms, gifts in wills were given with the expectation that the beneficiary would reciprocate by remembering and praying for the deceased; thus the bequeathed object became a link, an aide-de- memoire, for the recipient of the testator.

Some bequests were actually specified as such: John Morton d. Sometimes an object is described simply in order that it may be identified, to distinguish it from another similar item, or to locate it within the house. This is not to say that these bequests lacked personal significance, simply that the text of the will itself does not reveal this information. There are, however, certain types of object bequests in which the possessions themselves are clearly given affective value beyond their original economic or functional value, acting as carriers of emotion and investments in affective relationships.

The affective value of religious objects Bequests of both religious objects found within the home and everyday domestic possessions left to the church emphasized the emotional attachment the testator felt for both religion in general and his or her intended recipients in particular.

While we would expect chaplains, vicars and rectors to own a variety of religious items — such as the white chasuble with the alb and amice which vicar Richard Haukesworth leaves to his church of St Lawrence in , or the printed mass book, hymnal and processioner which priest William Ferne leaves the same church almost one hundred years later — testamentary evidence suggests that at least some lay men and women also possessed, and presumably used, their own religious objects.

Some may have been primarily decorative, like BIA, Prob. Religious books, especially primers, are also given as bequests in wills, and were presumably used by members of the domestic household in which they were located. Agnus Deis and crucifixes or crosses were fairly common bequests.

John Thomson d. By far the most common type of religious object described and bequeathed in wills, however, was the rosary, variously referred to as a pater noster, a par precarum, par precum or par precularum or, in English wills, a pair of beads. Prior to the s, fifty-seven testators bequeathed a total of eighty-five rosaries made from various materials including amber, silver, coral, gold, jet, mistletoe, agate and chalcedony, with gauds the larger beads used for counting prayers of silver, gilt, pearl, coral or jasper.

The reverse practice also occurred, with testators leaving everyday domestic objects to the church, with the clear intention that these household objects be used for religious purposes.

Through such bequests of personal or domestic possessions to religious persons or institutions, the testator provided these objects with an affective value, creating a more personal connection between the testator and the church. Paradoxically, the same bequests were also intended to create a more public association between the testator and the church in the mind of his or her emotional community, as testators often left instructions as to how their personal objects were to be publicly used or displayed, openly advertising the affective value placed upon the object by its former owner.

Richard North d. Joan Hothom d. Katherine Pacok d. Kerchiefs and belts or girdles are the items of clothing most commonly bequeathed. The former could be used as a corprax — the piece of BIA, Prob. Male bequests of household linen to the church: BIA, Prob. For other female bequests of household linen to the church, see: BIA, Prob. Also included in this category are pewter vessels and a latten taper dish given by pewterers and brass pots given by a founder.

Widow Alison Clark d. Shrines were popular destinations for beads, rosaries, rings and brooches. Alison Clark d. Isabel Saxton d. In pewterer Robert Shirwin d. Glazier John Petty d. The Minster works was also the recipient of various building tools, such as those left by carpenter John Couper d. It has already been established in the previous chapter that such craft tools and products were considered to have a high functional value, being crucial to the production of objects whose sale provided the household with its income.

For more on the York glaziers see Chapter 4, — The two former bequests were made towards the end of the reign of Mary I, a staunch Catholic. And although the latter dates to early in the reign of Elizabeth I, it was written one month before she passed her Act of Supremacy, although probate was successfully granted well after this, in Bequests of such personal items thus signify a close emotional link between testator, object and recipient, as each time the new owner wore or used the bequeathed item he or she would presumably be reminded of its former owner.

Clothing the naked is one of the seven corporal works of mercy, a spiritual requirement for the soul, and several testators did leave gowns — or money to buy gowns — to a specified number of poor people attending their funeral.

Although bequests of such personally used items would always have been imbued with affective value, in some cases the testator specifically stated that the object bequeathed was one he or she personally wore, further increasing the affective value of the bequest. Agnes Marshall d. The most precious were made of costly fabrics such as silk or velvet and were decorated with silver and gilt. Widow Agnes Orlowe d. Although neither of these For gifts of clothes as acts of charity, see: P.

 

Square Foot Gardening – Page – plantnmore

 

Water by hand from a bucket of sun-warmed water. When you finish harvesting a square foot, add only compost and replant it with a new and different crop.

Here’s how Im starting my square foot garden : I decided how big of an area I want to use, I am placing my SFG on the roof of my house, which I made sure received at least 8 hours of full sun. I am going big and starting with lots of boxes.

So after thorough planning I decided I want two 4×4 square foot boxes which is the standard two smaller boxes for root vegetables like carrots and potatoes, and one long box for herbs. You can download the guide I created for the carpenters here. Its not the most accurate illustration of what the boxes look like in the end, but the numbers are right.

Also Most vegetables require 6 inches of soil, I’ve decided to use around 20cm. In my case, I have to apply bottoms since they’re going to be in the roof. The bottoms are waterproof 2cm thick plywood. The plywood has to have around 0. My boxes have weird squares in the plywood because the carpenter mistook 0. Im sure its much more fun.

I don’t have the skill or time, so I had the boxes done for 50KD total, 30 for the wood and 20 for the building. The work was done by Ibrahim in Classic Design Carpentry : Don’t forget, you can collect sawdust for free and use it as a carbon source in your compost!

Maybe I’ll paint the outsides of the boxes with the kids before the season starts, what do you think? Tagged: boxes compost garden gardening harvest Kuwait plant square foot garden Summer Planning wood. Tilley is critical of academics who produce work on landscapes without leaving their desks and getting their boots dirty Fleming, This, at least, is one point on which he and Hoskins might agree.

The rhetoric that Tilley writes paints an attractive picture of the remote past. Fleming criticises phenomenology fairly comprehensively, seeing problems with these new approaches, both theoretically and operationally, although he is not completely disparaging. This thesis, however, is more concerned with historical periods, so that the phenomenological approach is somewhat less relevant.

It does have some aspects which are attractive, though, and these will be considered later in this chapter and in chapter 7. Likewise, scientific geography has formal rules that separate the observer from the observed. Post-processualists like Thomas and Tilley consider that traditional archaeologists are equivalent to scientific geographers. Thus landscape and landscape archaeology are placed at the forefront of the fight against processualism and post-processualists have encouraged the view that traditional archaeologists are only observers and not participants Fleming, Fleming questions this: can landscape archaeologists or traditional geographers really be portrayed simply as outsiders, detached and non-participating, like the owners of landscape paintings, for example?

To practice landscape archaeology one has to work in several dimensions, not just two, in the open air and be involved in a distinctive craft ibid. This cannot be achieved without moving from outsider to insider, becoming increasingly engaged in the landscape, as one gains knowledge over time.

He does question whether phenomenological methods are capable of solving such a problem. After all, any discussions taking place in the field inevitably involve thinking about the intentions and attitudes of people in the past. What archaeologist, discovering a site or uncovering an artefact, fails to wonder about the people who made or used it? Certainly the research for this thesis involves engagement with the landscape and has the advantage of knowledge gained over 25 years of local residence as well as documentary data about some of the people who inhabited the area in the past.

Agreement tends to be reached through strength of argument aided by the current disciplinary fashion and academic politics rather than by hypothesis testing or the rejection of a scientific approach. Robust arguments are needed to cope with scepticism and questions about possible alternative interpretations. Phenomenology frequently ignores such questions because it is a metaphorical work of art Fleming, – 3. There is as yet little evidence for prehistoric activity in the parishes of Edmundbyers and Muggleswick; most of the research involves historic periods in which the landscape is already peopled and for which there is some documentary data.

This is why a phenomenological approach is not suitable for this research; it is necessary to establish such facts as are available before trying to interpret them.

In this, there is more interpretation in relation to the amount of archaeological data and analysis, making it different from traditional archaeology texts. Maps and sites are sidelined or omitted and there are no references in this style of work. Instead it is poetic, photographic and has a political subtheme Fleming, In this way he asserts that archaeology has a need for new forms of cultural production.

Hyper-interpretation, therefore, would only be appropriate for this thesis if there was a prehistoric landscape to work upon.

There was a prehistoric landscape, of course, but data are currently so limited that there is virtually nothing to hyper-interpret. Nonetheless, as Fleming says, it is an attractive method of presentation It does, though, present practical and operational difficulties, including whether it could or should be applied to all places and periods.

Moreover, should it be applied to such things as excavation reports? In fact, they make it very difficult to use a text for research. Consequently Fleming points out that the reverse is true because only those readers with some knowledge are included and those who need to look things up are excluded There are other problems with hyper-interpretation also.

Inevitably, the attitudes of our own age influence interpretations. It is the nature of the evidence which makes the prehistory of landscapes somewhat inadequate ibid: , as observed above. Once documented periods are reached there are named people to write about ibid. This is the case with this research: not only are there real people to deal with but there are factual accounts of the history of the area which contribute to the richness of the data.

Sometimes, though, individual characters can get in the way. Fleming notes that narratives about particular characters did not assist in the investigation of soil types, weather and labour bottlenecks and their possible effects on types of open field in eastern England. Fleming favours an overview instead However, there are circumstances where the histories of actual people can provide supporting evidence for other types of research; this is possible for the parishes of Edmundbyers and Muggleswick.

There are a number of other important aspects to post-processualism apart from hyper-interpretation and phenomenology and which Fleming did not touch upon in the above arguments. Some of the more interesting and relevant ones will be mentioned here. There are two elements to the way that landscape is treated in the Western tradition. The first is the land itself, the natural and humanly-produced features; it is objective.

People in non-Western societies commonly have very different ideas about the space that landscape provides and their place within it Greene and Moore, Perceptions of the landscape have changed over time and are an interesting aspect of landscape study. On the other hand rural villages continue to fascinate, based on their traditional community ties, the space and low population density ibid: Local communities have changed, however, since they are no longer devoted to agriculture.

By the twentieth century rural areas were subject to urban influences and so awareness of other communities grew Claval, Another facet is the relevance of politics.

Williams uses a more political framework of theory which does not permit the research to avoid the effect of politics upon the landscape. These ideas had little influence outside Russia until the mid-twentieth century and then, using them, people like Bender and Tilley adopted a neo-Marxist viewpoint ibid. For such researchers there is a close relationship between archaeology and politics. Their interpretation of archaeology is based on materialism and conflict Johnson, 80, For example, ancient production methods were based on slave labour; feudalism used serfs; there was antagonism between slave and master, peasant and feudal landlord.

In capitalism there is conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeois ibid: Thus, in the Marxist model, the process of historical change is dialectical, depending on contradictions and conflicts in society ibid: Such conflicts were demonstrated in Georgian England by the rich and powerful who used their influence in two opposing ways Tuan, The positive aspect was that they improved the fertility of the land, and its beauty, while simultaneously exploiting the labour force and tenant farmers ibid.

The present appearance of much of the English countryside is the result of these eighteenth century activities; it reflects the aesthetic tastes of the time as well as the power of the landowners. New activities – associated with industry, water, leisure, housing needs – have put new pressures on the countryside. Conflicts of interest have often been instrumental in shaping postmodern landscapes, although this is not to say that there were no conflicts of interest in the past Claval These new pressures also have implications for archaeological research and affect the survival of archaeological material.

They include identifying who benefits and who is disadvantaged and whether people, other than those directly involved, are affected. The power relations need to be considered and whether everyone entitled to an opinion has been properly consulted ibid.

People who lived in rural areas shaped their landscapes and had many ways of reading them. The landscape was the basis of local society, culture and politics, as well as the visible result of farming activities Claval 14 , and it is useful to consider such factors when attempting to understand the development of a landscape. There are thus two schools of landscape studies, which do not necessarily communicate well with each other.

The first concentrates on the theoretical debate and includes researchers such as Ashmore and Knapp, Bender, Ucko and Layton and Cosgrove. Some of the ideas of the first school of thought have been discussed.

Sometimes post-processual theories have been taken into account but, on the whole, the two do not mix. Those who prefer one method frequently criticise the other approach. For example, Bender et al felt that the conventional third person narrative method of writing up research is unsatisfactory However, an alternative has failed to be forthcoming; attempts to produce one have tended to lead to the omission of valuable information for the understanding of sites and the resulting conclusions and interpretations may be biased ibid.

Making a distinction between the two types of landscape ideas can be problematic. Some consider that they should be kept separate while others think one to be more important than the other; a third group think that the two cannot exist separately Johnson, 4. Moreover Hoskins and followers of his approach have shown that the boundary between the aesthetic and the historical appreciation of landscape is permeable.

It is not possible to look at a landscape which shows evidence of past use without wondering about the people who used it – but it is possible to take that wonder too far and invent histories which did not take place or for which there is no confirmatory data. Conventional landscape historians are mostly interested in gathering historical and archaeological data from the landscape and understanding how it reflects the modifications and adaptations made by past societies.

Turner, By the mids, archaeologists had access to improved excavation techniques and recording, technologies like improved aerial photography, vegetation and soils data, and climatic information, all of which greatly assisted with the development of landscape archaeology. Together with new questions, these have permitted better understanding of the material substance of sites Roberts Another productive technique has been the increased use of environmental archaeology. These more practical approaches are much more suitable for this research.

Landscape studies range from the standpoint of people like Aston and Taylor who concentrate on local or landscape history to that of Tilley whose approach, as has been shown above, is more towards the symbolic and abstract ibid. It necessary, though, to ensure that this inclusiveness does not become so broad as to render the subject vague ibid. A number of researchers have managed to study and publish their research without undue recourse to post-processual ideology.

They have made full use of a variety of methods, in much the way that Wilkinson has advocated, to produce valuable and informative accounts of the landscape. Fleming, Winchester and Williamson have written about landscapes in styles that this research might aspire to emulate. In his preface he observed that there were other aspects to be investigated, different from those which he had initially intended.

Woodland management has a story that might be told, footpaths have a history and are not just there for ramblers to use, there may be relationships between farms, the large areas of common land of the past and current common rights that could be investigated.

Consequently Fleming worked with documents, old and modern maps and used fieldwork. He found that place-names have an importance in the study of the last c. Fleming chose certain aspects of the Swaledale landscape to follow in detail and left others for future study. He noted that he tried not to become obsessed with only one aspect – which in itself might provide material for several books – but to follow more general themes ibid.

Winchester decided to look at marginal land because he felt it had been neglected in the research. These records mainly begin around ibid: 1 – 2. To produce his account, Winchester studied aspects such as the legal framework of property rights, the pattern of use of the fells and moors, the seasonal use of the hills and strategies for making a living ibid: 4.

Thus he limited the extent of his research by his choice of aspects to study but these were different from those chosen by Fleming. As a result, the researched effects on open-field agriculture put emphasis on manorial lords and the reorganisation of the landscape, or on the possible effect of the emerging market economy on peasant farmers. The practice of agriculture – the equipment, problems of soil types or drainage and so forth – is thus avoided ibid.

In this thesis the research is strongly influenced by the availability of the manorial and economic records and the less easily obtained agricultural information.

Human action, soils, topography and other factors have caused landscape types to be mixed rather than completely discrete. Open fields, Champion landscape, the various forms of agricultural patterns overlap and are often blurred along the edges where they meet, making study difficult ibid: 24 – In this way it is possible to gain an understanding of how the various landscapes relate to their environment.

He notes that there is no lack of data, but that it has not always been drawn together and interpreted fully To achieve his aims he covers a variety of topics including different topographies and different types of landscape, society, maps, technology, agriculture types and methods ibid: passim.

Thus he, too, tends towards a holistic approach to the subject. There are many interesting strands to the theory, some of which are more practical than others and some which are more appropriate for this research. It should be clear from the material covered that certain ideas and approaches are not only more suitable but also more attractive for use in this work. Partly this is because, having a background as a geographer, I find the holistic narrative methodology more interesting.

Nonetheless, as should be clear from the discussions above, consideration of the people of the landscape, their activities and ideas, merits inclusion. In the next part of this chapter I will discuss how the theories have influenced the methodology used and go on to explain that methodology. It would be a mistake to believe that any one discourse can offer, in advance, the dominant factor that drives a particular past event or trend – if any one factor is ever likely to do anyway.

This is because attention has been paid to identifying ideas that may be useful and relevant to this research; these will assist in deciding the appropriate methodology. The chief influences on this work are those of writers who have taken an interdisciplinary approach.

His ability to produce an academic but readable account was inspirational to many. However, as noted in 2. There is a paucity of guidance in the literature to help with methodology. Moreover, as noted towards the end of section 2. Nonetheless they manage to produce coherent accounts.

It is necessary for this research into the landscape of Edmundbyers and Muggleswick to produce an approach which is clear and structured. He has spent around 40 years researching and writing about landscape and rural settlement, especially in North- east England, so his suggestions are relevant to the region studied in this research.

Roberts divided landscape study into three categories, which range from landscape archaeology to landscape history: 1. Uses documentary evidence like maps and involves the last years or so. Uses some documentary evidence, but this is usually not linked to landscape features, so information relies on survivals and excavations. This period, with knowledge tempered by historical information, lasts from around the Mid-Saxon to the seventeenth century.

The period before this. There are some documents for the Roman and Iron Age, but the period relies heavily on excavations and some few survivals Roberts Paul Claval, now retired, was a professor at the Sorbonne. Although he is a prolific writer on a variety of subjects, his interests are based on human and economic geography and these clearly influence his advice. Consequently a combination of these, together with the approaches taken by Williamson, Fleming and Winchester described at the end of 2.

Such a chronological progression to the methodology might be the ideal; however, in practice, research is not so orderly or obliging. Moreover, in this research, it was found that there were various starting points depending on the topic under scrutiny. To follow, for example, a thematic methodology throughout was therefore deemed inappropriate.

The discovery, for example, of a potential area of rig and furrow on Google Earth might require a field visit to confirm its identification – it could just be a drainage system. The HER needs to be checked to see if there is anything already recorded, as do other documentary sources and maps, both historic and modern.

Yet this process could begin at any of those points and progress through the others in any order. This, in fact, is the most likely method of working and the different aspects of the research will start at different points depending upon their nature. Consequently, each topic and chapter will be approached differently.

Further explanations of the methods used will be given in the appropriate places in the text. The chief points of the methodology employed are detailed below. The Historic Environment Record This is a useful starting point for much research as it provides data regarding what is already known about the area archaeologically. It gives little information about history or change but data for different periods add to or confirm other knowledge. The HER for Edmundbyers and Muggleswick will be used throughout the subsequent chapters but will be discussed in detail in Chapter 3.

This meant that there was a possibility of data added subsequently being missed. Checking with the Keys to the Past website allowed any new records to be included. There is less information on Keys to the Past than in the full HER, but it proved to be adequate for the purpose.

Maps There are maps of the region dating from at least the s although not all of them are very informative. The early ones are useful for communications research Chapter 6 but the detail is inadequate for anything else. The first really detailed map of the parishes is the hand-drawn estate map drawn in This shows the locations of all the buildings, the layout of the fields in relation to physical features like watercourses, and has links to the estate book which details the tenants and the land they held at the time.

There is a subsequent estate map dated The estate maps and the subsequent editions of the Ordnance Survey maps will be used throughout the research to guide fieldwork, to help interpret aerial photographs and for retrogressive analysis of fields and settlements especially in chapters 3 and 5.

Details of how the maps have been employed will be given in the appropriate chapters. Other maps which are of use are the Geological Survey, the soils map and L. The first two help to establish the nature of the land in the parishes; the Land Use map will be used to help establish changes that have occurred in modern times. While Roberts see above , Hoskins, and even Johnson, have advocated the use of maps to at least some degree, they have been considered controversial documents.

When Williamson examined the first edition six-inch map of East Anglia he discovered coaxial field systems dating from the Roman period or earlier and associated tracks 23 – Arguments made by post-colonial theorists about the use of maps have included the idea that maps form part of the colonial apparatus to help administration Johnson, However, most map users find the symbols on O.

Nonetheless, in the absence of anything more egalitarian, they provide valuable data and the Muggleswick Estate maps take knowledge of the area to a period pre-dating the Ordnance Survey.

The Ordnance Survey maps, especially the more recent editions, should demonstrate no relevant partiality despite their original military associations. The northern parts of England were too dangerous for the men tasked with gathering data for the Domesday Book, so no survey was undertaken until This resulted in the Boldon Book which provides information about landholdings and associated matters, in a similar manner to Domesday.

Other than this, the earliest documents available are those dating from the period when the Edmundbyers and Muggleswick estate belonged to Durham Cathedral Priory. These documents were written between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries and give useful information about the formation and running of the estate.

Generally, the originals are in the archives at Durham University. However, reading them can be challenging. Consequently I chose to use the transcripts produced by the Surtees Society. Sometimes these also have translations but many are still in Latin and even translating the printed text is a challenge. Few of these documents contain a significant amount of data, so it was a case of teasing out useful facts and joining them together to help describe the estate.

The use of such manorial records reflects the methods of Fleming and Williamson described above 2. This is a useful document, in the English of the time, providing details of farmers and their holdings.

The associated map would have been an asset in understanding the area in that period, but is missing. There are also later documents, such as agreements and leases. These may also prove to have valuable information, so that an attempt will be made to tie some of them to the farmsteads that will be looked at in detail. This should help to indicate the continuity of tenure, or lack of it. However, there will remain a substantial amount of data for future research.

Undertaking this at a future date will increase understanding of the agricultural practices of the UDV. Previous research into the area is limited.

It includes that produced by the Revd. Walker Featherstonhaugh in the Victorian period and some undergraduate studies. Where this data is unique and relevant it will be used, otherwise the original data will be sought in preference. Other research is applicable to the North Pennines more generally and includes works concerning such specialist fields as climate and lead mining. The geology of the North Pennines, especially in relation to lead mining, is well described by Dunham, Raistrick and by Johnson and Pigott, the latter two in Clapham.

Sopwith, Pirt and Dodds, Thompson, Turnbull, and Crossley and Patrick have all provided expert information about lead mining and other extractive industries. Similarly, Mawer, Egglestone and Beckensall furnished valuable data regarding local place-names. Documentary source material is therefore useful for several aspects of the research for this thesis. It provides background information about the history, environment and occupations of the parishes as well as indicating some starting points for research, such as using the Survey to assess the field and village layouts.

Photographs and aerial photographs Historic photographs hold valuable information about how the area looked in the past and permit comparisons with the current situation regarding buildings, vegetation, land use and roads.

The photographs taken immediately post-World War II are available via Google Earth, although there are limitations of scale and resolution; the current Google Earth views can be used to make comparisons between the two periods. Google Earth can be used to check the locations and characters of field boundaries, the extent of woodland, current land use and the footprints of buildings.

Its most exciting use is in searching for areas of previous cultivation or other human activity that are not recorded on maps or in documents, or whose documented location is uncertain.

In this way it will be particularly beneficial in the research in Chapter 4 regarding the waxing and waning of cultivated land. The chief drawback to the aerial photographs of the North Pennines is that much of the unenclosed land is covered by heather which masks the details of the land beneath.

The use of LIDAR would solve this problem but, unfortunately, it is not yet available for the parishes of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers at a price which is affordable. Google Earth images are not completely up to date, some having been taken up to ten years ago.

Generally this does not pose a problem for this research as the data is sufficient for the task and other criticisms, for example regarding its stability, are not relevant. Following the Second World War aerial photographs, as noted above and in section 2. However, a criticism is that they echo the elevated view of the land advocated by Wordsworth. Aerial photographs are complex and multi-layered, so that skill is needed in decoding them well ibid.

These possible drawbacks do not reduce the usefulness of such material since any effort to deduce information from aerial photographs can be beneficial. Moreover, with time and experience, careful looking can mean that features are discovered which might otherwise be missed, or their relationships to each other go unrecognised. However, this needs to be undertaken in association with other methods of research.

Features observed in the field need, when possible, to be linked with map and documentary evidence. Often, details that are not visible on aerial photographs and are not recorded on maps can be seen on the ground.

Thus new knowledge can be added to the data. Sometimes this is the character of a field boundary, sometimes an entirely unrecorded earthwork. As Johnson notes, the features observed might prove to be due to more than one process, as with a ditch that was not dug all in one go or which was re-dug several times This level of detail is unlikely to be observable on a map or aerial photograph.

Fieldwork will be used for three main purposes in this research. Firstly it will enable me to evaluate the landscape changes indicated by the retrogressive analysis of maps, including the routes of roads.

Secondly, it makes feasible a more detailed analysis of the field boundaries because it will be possible to categorise the types of boundary; from this, something of their chronology can be established. Finally, fieldwork will be used to find new landscape data and to study the development of buildings in the parishes, thus adding to current knowledge.

Environment It was stated in 2. There is a wealth of such data, all of which a geographer might deem important. However, in the case of this research, it is necessary to select the data that are directly pertinent. The importance of geographical information should not be underestimated, however, and so details of geology, soils, topography, vegetation and climate will be described where they are relevant to an understanding of the landscape of the North Pennines and, particularly, to the parishes of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers.

As noted above, maps are of assistance in this and sketch maps to show these data will be used to complement the text. Research by Manley and Parry into climate and by Dunham, Raistrick and others into the geology of the region will be referred to. However, the comparisons required by the investigation of climatic influences meant that I needed to design a formula to make use of meteorological data acquired from the Meteorological Office website. The climate, geology, soils and topography have all influenced agricultural practices and the landuse of the UDV, so will be referred to in chapters 4 Climate and 5 Enclosure.

The geology is relevant to mining and thus links to chapter 3 History and 6 Communications , while topography is also connected to chapter 6. However, he also notes that using the archaeology of a landscape just to demonstrate what is recorded in the documents is dissatisfying viii. The task, then, is not only to use different data to support each other in establishing a narrative of landscape development but to be able to add new information which increases our understanding.

This is similar to the drawing together and better interpretation of data advocated by Williamson see section 2. However, there will also be new information as a result of fieldwork or new interpretations of historic documents. It looks at information from documents and maps, from the Historic Environment Record, place-names, architecture and other sources; these will be drawn upon in other parts of this and later chapters.

As noted in the introductory chapter 1. For some periods little is known, but for others there is useful documentary evidence. The methodology section 2. The useful documentary sources will be described first, followed by a general history of the two parishes, as background to the subsequent research. Then research into place-name evidence for the history of the area, using documents and maps, is described. The Historic Environment Record supplements the foregoing and contributes to knowledge of the development of the parishes.

An important section provides an investigation into the architectural history, including field observations, concentrating on several of the older buildings. Finally, in order to complete the picture of the way in which the landscape and settlements evolved and to set subsequent chapters in context, there is a description of the mining and quarrying which occurred. Other documents and books have provided data for subsequent chapters and will be introduced in the appropriate places.

The former provides an overview of the history of the parishes. The originals of these documents are mainly to be found in the archives of Durham Cathedral. It is possible to work directly from the originals but the transcriptions save a good deal of time.

New explanations have been provided for these which have clarified aspects of the research. The starting point for documentary data is the Boldon Book, compiled in This appears in the Victoria County History for Durham and provides information about who held the parishes at the time.

Much of the data is spread among other volumes and it is necessary to extract information in small amounts – perhaps a single comment – and combine these clues to form a coherent account. In Raine The Durham household book, or, The accounts of the Bursar of the monastery of Durham from Pentecost to Pentecost there are clues to the management of the estate, transactions with outside organisations, agricultural details and links to the road network information.

Hind Registers of Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of Durham – 59 and James Pilkington, Bishop of Durham – 76 has information about the appointment of a priest to Edmundbyers in the sixteenth century. They give insights to the daily working of the estate, the activities of the inhabitants and clues which can be linked together to gain an understanding of the area. Together they form the foundation for the history of the two parishes in the period between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries.

Then there are numerous popular narratives, often with a great deal of useful factual information as well as local folklore and more fanciful accounts. Used with care, such literature can add to the history. Perhaps one of the most useful is The Edmundbyers Book, produced by the village to commemorate the millennium. While it reiterates much of the material covered elsewhere, it includes personal accounts and details of houses not otherwise available.

Muggleswick parish has also produced a small book, but with less material. Particularly helpful are previous studies of aspects of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers. Finally there are academic books and papers about the area or wider region which can be used to explain or understand what was going on in the parishes.

This exchange of the manor of Muggleswick for Hardwick must have occurred before the compilation of the Boldon Book in and during the time that Hugh Pudsey Hugh le Puiset was Bishop of Durham. Hugh was Bishop of Durham from until Greenway, Thomas, and then Germanus, were the Priors during this period.

Muggleswick thus became the property of the Prior and Convent of Durham. While the Bishop kept his hunting rights, the Prior and Convent were given the right to assart octies viginti acras – eight times twenty acres – from the west part of the vill and north and east, with pasture at Horsleyhope, Hisehope and Baldinghope while the Bishop kept his hunting rights in the area Greenwell, ; appendix A.

Further grants continued to add land into the fourteenth century, some of which were for vaccaries, some woodland, meadow and waste. These additions may be seen in figure 3. The further grants of land came from private individuals, but the largest areas were given by the Bishops of Durham and permitted enclosure figure 3.

The area described includes the site of the Grange which was subject to recent excavation. The Prior and Convent were allowed to enclose this land provided they allowed the wildlife free ingress and egress Greenwell, This document is interesting in that it mentions a vaccary not detailed in earlier documents, and an existing wall.

This grant would appear to conflict with the previous one as it suggests that the vaccary was established after the gift from Bishop Walter. As usual, the Bishop wanted the animals of the forest to be able to come and go freely so that his hunting could be maintained. Following on from this, Bishop Robert gave the estate another acres of woodland called Denshelm and another acres of waste. Bishop Robert also included another 60 acres on the south side of Denshelm Greenwell, Antony Beck Bishop of Durham – , in , confirmed the land grants by Robert Stichil, emphasising the animal-proof boundary and penalties for illegal entry ibid.

In the Boldon Book Edmundbyers is described as being held by Alan Bruncoste for his service in the forest. It passed through several owners until in part of it was passed by Walter de Insula to Sir John de Cotum, who also had the advowson of the church. He gave his lands in Edmundbyers to the Prior and Convent, who already owned about a third of the vill, the mill and the advowson of the church. Edmundbyers seems, subsequently, to have become the township for the estate and the location for the Halmote Courts Greenwell, Wascrophead was added to the lands belonging to Muggleswick in At the Dissolution of the Monasteries, the Prior was appointed Dean of Durham and the estate came into the ownership of the Dean and Chapter.

The land was then divided between the fifth, sixth and eighth prebends of the cathedral. Over the years, the prebends seem to have been loathe to pay their dues for the land, or to take care of the buildings thereon.

Possibly it was during this time that the grange buildings fell into disrepair. While part of these still stands, excavation of other parts by volunteers from the Upper Derwent History and Archaeology Society, Altogether Archaeology North Pennines AONB and by Addyman Archaeology has revealed additional well-constructed buildings and has updated information recorded by Greenwell and Knowles fig. The adjacent parishes of Muggleswick and Edmundbyers have several obvious differences.

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Hazel 4d sherburn free download. LANDSCAPE CHANGE: THE CASE OF TWO PENNINE PARISHES

 
 

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